French Senate Votes Genocide Denial Criminilization Law

PARIS, France — The French Senate on Jan. 23 passed a bill criminalizing the denial of the Armenian Genocide, despite threats and bullying from the Turkish state. The bill passed with 127 votes for, 86 against.
Drafted by French General Assembly member Valerie Boyer, the bill renders denial punishable with a year in jail and a fine of 45,000 euros ($58,000).
It is slated to be signed into law by French President Nicolas Sarkozy.
During the proceedings, members of the French Senate spoke powerfully and vocally in support of the bill, noting that it’s not directed against any specific country—that it is merely an effort to honor the memory of genocide victims and the struggle against hate speech.
Those who opposed the bill did so on the grounds of opposing memorial laws in general, arguing that the Senate is not a courthouse and not a place to legislate history.
The Senate first voted to confirm the constitutionality of the bill. The Senate also voted down four proposed amendments.
French-Armenian intellectuals and artists—including Charles Aznavour, Serge Avedikian, Simon Abkarian, and Levon Sayan—had each issued a call to the French Senate to pass the bill.
Commenting on the vote, Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) Executive Director Aram Hamparian said, “We mark this occasion by urging President Obama to honor his pledge to recognize the Armenian Genocide and by calling on the U.S. House leadership to allow a vote on the Armenian Genocide Resolution, H.Res.304,” he added.
Thousands of French-Armenians gathered in front of the Senate building to express their support for the bill. The crowd celebrated by singing Armenian national and revolutionary songs (see video). On Jan. 18, a French Senate committee rejected the bill. The decision was not binding, however, and the Jan. 23 vote proceeded as scheduled.The bill’s passage did not come as a surprise, as both the left and the right in France had expressed support for it.On Dec. 22, the French General Assembly had approved the bill, prompting Ankara to withdraw its ambassador from Paris, only to have him return a few weeks later.France adopted a bill officially recognizing the Armenian Genocide in 2001.

Following is a translation of the law:

LAW PROPOSITION

Aiming at suppressing the denial of Genocides, acknowledged as such by the law:

(Final text)

The Senate at its first hearing has adopted without any modification the law proposition with the following content, adopted by the National Assembly at its first hearing,

Article 1
The 1st paragraph of the IV chapter of the 29 July 1881 law on the freedom of press is completed by an Article 24 ter composed as follows:

“Art. 24 ter.- The penalties provisioned in Article 24 bis are applicable upon those who by the use of any of the means stated in article 23 contest or minimize in an excessive manner the existence of one or more crimes of genocide defined in the article 211-1 of the penal code and acknowledged as such by the French law.

Furthermore, the court can order the display or the diffusion of the adjudged decision under the conditions provisioned in the article 131-35 of the penal code.”

Article 2

The Article 48-2 of the same law is modified as follows:

1. After the word “deported” the following words are inserted: “ or all the other victims of crimes of genocide, crimes of war, crimes against humanity or of crimes or offences of collaboration with the enemy”,

2. At the end, the words: “the infringement provisioned by the article 24 bis” are replaced by the words “the infringements provisioned in the articles 24 bis and 24 ter”.

The exact text of the french law

PROPOSITION DE LOI

visant à réprimer la contestation de l’existence des génocides reconnus par la loi.

(Texte définitif)

Le Sénat a adopté sans modification, en première lecture, la proposition de loi, adoptée par l’Assemblée nationale en première lecture, dont la teneur suit :

Voir les numéros :

Assemblée nationale (13ème législ.) :  3842, 4035 et T.A. 813.

Sénat :  229 et 269 (2011-2012).

Article 1er

Le paragraphe 1er du chapitre IV de la loi du 29 juillet 1881 sur la liberté de la presse est complété par un article 24 ter ainsi rédigé :

« Art. 24 ter. – Les peines prévues à l’article 24 bis sont applicables à ceux qui ont contesté ou minimisé de façon outrancière, par un des moyens énoncés à l’article 23, l’existence d’un ou plusieurs crimes de génocide défini à l’article 211-1 du code pénal et reconnus comme tels par la loi française.

« Le tribunal peut en outre ordonner l’affichage ou la diffusion de la décision prononcée, dans les conditions prévues à l’article 131-35 du code pénal. »

Article 2

L’article 48-2 de la même loi est ainsi modifié :

1° Après le mot : « déportés », sont insérés les mots : « , ou de toute autre victime de crimes de génocide, de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l’humanité ou de crimes ou délits de collaboration avec l’ennemi » ;

2° À la fin, les mots : « l’infraction prévue par l’article 24 bis » sont remplacés par les mots : « les infractions prévues aux articles 24 bis et 24 ter ».

Délibéré en séance publique, à Paris, le 23 janvier 2012.

Le Président,

Signé : Jean-Pierre BEL

Knesset’s Education Committee Positive on Armenian Genocide Recognition. Discussion Postponed.

(ACF) The Education, Culture and Sports Committee of Israel’s Knesset held a session today to discuss about the possibility of setting a memorial day commemorating the Armenian Genocide perpetrated in 1915, by Turkey.
According to Israeli Press the Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin (Likud) pointed out that the timing has nothing to do with the tension between Israel and Turkey. “We believe that as humans, as Jews and as citizens of the State of Israel – along with members of Knesset that are not Jewish – we must put the subject on the national agenda. We stand before the world with the utmost moral demand,” he said and added that “even the Turks understand that we cannot ignore our commitment as people, as Jews and as citizens of Israel.”

MK Zahava Gal-On who is the Chairwoman of the Meretz faction and a vivid supporter of the Armenian Genocide’s recognition commenting on Erdogan’s statements said that Turkey will find a way to preserve its diplomatic ties with Israel based on common interests. “For many years, Israel’s government has refused to recognize the genocide for cynical, strategic and economic, reasons, connected to its ties with Turkey,” said Gal-On.

National Union MK Ariyeh Eldad, one of the initiators of the discussion, said that “in the past, we were always told that we cannot discuss this subject because of our good relationship with Turkey. Now we are told we cannot discuss this because of our bad relationship with Turkey. We cannot erase a chapter in history. We cannot ignore this subject because of our interests.”

Former member of Knesset Haim Oron, who has been dealing with the subject for many years, added: “We don’t want this to end with this discussion, but with a statement that expresses the Knesset’s recognition in the Armenian genocide.”

National Security Adviser Yaakov Amidror asked Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin to postpone the discussion, but Rivlin refused, saying: “As a nation that has suffered through a holocaust, we cannot ignore this issue, and therefore the hearing will be held as scheduled.”

Among others present at the meeting were members of the Armenian National Committee of Jerusalem and renowned Genocide expert Israel Charny, who were given the opportunity to address the Committee.
The discussion about setting an Armenian Genocide memorial day was postponed until the next hearing, whose date hasn’t been yet specified.

French National Assembly Adopts Genocide Antinegation Law Proposition

(ACF) On December 22, the National Assembly of France adopted a law proposition criminalizing the negation of Genocides acknowledged as such by the French law.
During the four-hour session, the overwhelming majority of the deputies wholeheartedly supported the need to protect by law the French people, the Genocide victims and the democratic values that run the Republic of France from acts of hatred and intolerance. “I will vote thinking of Hrant Dink,” said one Member of Parliament as he concluded his remarks. “We are not punishing any country, but we are fighting against genocide denial in our country,” said another. “We are taking part in the mass destruction of Armenians when we allow its denial… We are voting in the name of Armenians who sought refuge here. How can we look in the eyes of our fellow citizens of Armenian heritage, while we know that there are those among us who deny the suffering of their grandparents?” said yet another Member of Parliament. “Racism is not an opinion, it’s a crime,” said another.
The no. 813 law proposition of the National Assembly is based on the 29/7/1881 law of France and additionally it serves harmonizing with the 2008/913/JHA EU Council framework decision on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law and incorporating it into the French jurisprudence.
The legislative power of France consistent with its convictions illustrated in the 2001-70 law (29/1/2001) with which France has recognized the Genocide perpetrated in 1915 against the Armenians reaffirmed once more its position as human rights’ pioneer defender. The penalties provisioned in the law proposition are a year in jail and a fine of 45.000 euros.
The legislative procedure requires that the law proposition be submitted to the Senate for approval and afterwards be signed by the President of France.

Below is the original and the translation of the no 813 law proposition:
The National Assembly adopted a law proposition with the following content:

Look numbers 3842 and 4035.

Article 1
The 1st paragraph of the IV chapter of the 29 July 1881 law on the freedom of press is completed by an Article 24 ter composed as follows:

“Art. 24 ter.- The penalties provisioned in Article 24 bis are applicable upon those who by the use of any of the means stated in article 23 contest or minimize in an excessive manner the existence of one or more crimes of genocide defined in the article 211-1 of the penal code and acknowledged as such by the French law.

Furthermore, the court can order the display or the diffusion of the adjudged decision under the conditions provisioned in the article 131-35 of the penal code.”

Article 2

The Article 48-2 of the same law is modified as follows:

1. After the word “deported” the following words are inserted: “ or all the other victims of crimes of genocide, crimes of war, crimes against humanity or of crimes or offences of collaboration with the enemy”,

2. At the end, the words: “the infringement provisioned by the article 24 bis” are replaced by the words “the infringements provisioned in the articles 24 bis and 24 ter”.

Public Session resolution, Paris 22 December 2011

 

L’Assemblée nationale a adopté la proposition de loi dont la teneur suit :

Voir les numéros : 3842 et 4035.

Article 1er

Le paragraphe 1er du chapitre IV de la loi du 29 juillet 1881 sur la liberté de la presse est complété par un article 24 ter ainsi rédigé :

« Art. 24 ter. – Les peines prévues à l’article 24 bis sont applicables à ceux qui ont contesté ou minimisé de façon outrancière, par un des moyens énoncés à l’article 23, l’existence d’un ou plusieurs crimes de génocide défini à l’article 211-1 du code pénal et reconnus comme tels par la loi française.

« Le tribunal peut en outre ordonner l’affichage ou la diffusion de la décision prononcée, dans les conditions prévues à l’article 131-35 du code pénal. »

Article 2

L’article 48-2 de la même loi est ainsi modifié :

1° Après le mot : « déportés », sont insérés les mots : « , ou de toute autre victime de crimes de génocide, de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l’humanité ou de crimes ou délits de collaboration avec l’ennemi » ;

2° À la fin, les mots : « l’infraction prévue par l’article 24 bis » sont remplacés par les mots : « les infractions prévues aux articles 24 bis et 24 ter ».

Délibéré en séance publique, à Paris, le 22 décembre 2011.

ANCA: Landmark U.S. House Resolution Presses Turkey To Return Stolen Christian Churches

Press Release

The U.S. House of Representatives today adopted a landmark religious freedom measure, H.Res.306, calling upon Turkey to return the Christian church properties it stole through genocide, and to end its repression of the surviving members of the vast Christian civilizations that once represented a majority in the territory of the present-day Republic of Turkey, reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).

The measure, spearheaded by Rep. Ed Royce (R-CA) and Howard Berman (D-CA) was scheduled for House consideration by House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, with the support of Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) and Ranking Member Berman, of the Foreign Affairs Committee. House Members speaking in support of the measure included Representatives Royce, Berman, Congressional Armenian Genocide Resolution lead cosponsor Adam Schiff (D-CA), Congressional Armenian Caucus CoChair Frank Pallone (D-NJ), Brad Sherman (D-CA) and Eliot Engel (D-NY). Congressional Turkey Caucus Co-Chair Ed Whitfield (R-KY) was alone in speaking out against the resolution. The measure was adopted by voice vote.

“Despite Prime Minister Erdogan’s recent claims of progress on religious freedom, Turkey’s Christian communities continue to face severe discrimination,” explained Congressman Royce. “Today, the U.S. House of Representatives considered and adopted my legislation, which calls upon the government of Turkey to end religious discrimination, allow religious prayer and education, and return stolen church property. The United States has a strong interest in promoting religious freedom abroad.”

Rep. Berman concurred, noting that, “This important resolution calls attention to Turkey’s disturbing, persistent failure to respect the ancient Christian heritage of Anatolia and to treat its Christian communities as free and equal citizens. Turkey should take immediate steps to restore all confiscated church property and allow full freedom of worship and religious education for all Christian communities.”

In July, Reps. Royce and Berman were joined by Rep. David Cicilline (D-RI) in spearheading House Foreign Affairs Committee consideration of the “Return of Churches” amendment to the State Department Authorization Bill. Their amendment was overwhelmingly adopted by a vote of 43 to 1.

“The passage of House Resolution 306 is a great victory for religious freedom around the world, and is a turning point in the Armenian people’s fight for religious freedom. Respect for the full exercise of our civil rights is really central to who we are as Americans and central to the values and ideals that we promote all over the world. My home state of Rhode Island was founded by Roger Williams on the principles of religious liberty and freedom and I am proud to co-sponsor the Resolution in that spirit,” said Congressman David Cicilline.

The text of H.Res. 306 adopted today is the same as the abridged version adopted at the committee level.

“Today’s vote – over opposition from Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Erdogan and, sadly, even our own American President’s Administration, – represents a powerful victory for religious freedom, and also reflects the growing American and international consensus that Turkey must – starting with the return of thousands of stolen Christian churches properties and holy sites – accept its responsibilities for the full moral and material implications of a truthful and just resolution of the Armenian Genocide,” said ANCA Chairman Ken Hachikian.

Armenian Americans across the U.S. were joined by religious freedom advocates and their counterparts in the Greek, Assyrian, and Syriac communities in making thousands of phone calls to their Representatives in support of H.Res.306, following action alerts issued by the Armenian National Committee of America, American Hellenic Institute, and American Hellenic Educational and Progressive Association and the American Hellenic Council.

With hours left to the scheduled vote on H.Res.306, Turkish American groups mounted a campaign to block the measure but were ultimately unsuccessful.

The ANCA will be posting full video coverage of U.S. consideration of H.Res.306 on its website at http://www.anca.org/return

#####

TEXT OF H. RES. 306

RESOLUTION

Urging the Republic of Turkey to safeguard its Christian
heritage and to return confiscated church properties.

Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of Representatives that the Secretary of State, in all official contacts with Turkish leaders and other Turkish officials, should emphasize that Turkey should –

(1) end all forms of religious discrimination;

(2) allow the rightful church and lay owners of Christian church properties, without hindrance or
restriction, to organize and administer prayer services, religious education, clerical training, appointments, and succession, religious community gatherings, social services, including ministry to the needs of the poor and infirm, and other religious activities;

(3) return to their rightful owners all Christian churches and other places of worship, monasteries, schools, hospitals, monuments, relics, holy sites, and other religious properties, including movable properties, such as artwork, manuscripts, vestments, vessels, and other artifacts; and

(4) allow the rightful Christian church and lay owners of Christian church properties, without hindrance or restriction, to preserve, reconstruct, and repair, as they see fit, all Christian churches and other places of worship, monasteries, schools, hospitals, monuments, relics, holy sites, and other religious properties within Turkey.

Zoryan Announces New Book that Sets Post-WWI Ottoman Trials in Their Historical and Legal Context

PRESS RELEASE

In the aftermath of its disastrous defeat in WWI, Ottoman Turkey had to face the wartime crime of the destruction of its Armenian population. An inquiry commissioned by the Ottoman government in 1919 presented enough preliminary evidence to organize a series of trials involving the perpetrators of these crimes. It is the record of these trials and the unparalleled details they provide on the planning and implementation of these heinous crimes that has brought together the two most renowned scholars of the Armenian Genocide, Professors Vahakn Dadrian and Taner Akcam, in their first joint publication. It is with great pride that the Zoryan Institute announces that after years of research and analysis, the authors have compiled for the first time in English the complete documentation of the trial proceedings and have set these findings in their historical and legal context.

The book is entitled Judgment at Istanbul: The Armenian Genocide Trials and is published by Berghahn Books of New York and Oxford.

In describing the book, Prof. Dadrian commented, “This is a most important work, for two reasons. First, it is based on authentic Turkish documentation, which the Ottoman government was forced to release during the trials. Second, unlike most books on the Armenian Genocide, which are historical interpretations, this study, for the first time is based also on the testimony of high-ranking Ottoman officials, given under oath, on the magnitude of the crimes against the Armenians, and in this sense, serves as a legal case study of the Armenian Genocide.”

During his more than fifty years of research on the subject, Dadrian discovered that the Takvim-i Vekâyi, the official Ottoman government’s gazette, was not the only major source of information on these military tribunals. In fact, Renaissance, a French language Armenian newspaper in Constantinople at the time, reported summaries of many of the trial proceedings taken from the reports of the Ottoman language newspapers of the day, which were otherwise not accounted for in official government records.

Prof. Akçam, the book’s co-author, noted that “While the official government record lists only twelve trials, newspapers provide us details on sixty-three. For the first time, information from the Ottoman newspapers of the era has been utilized to reconstruct the trials. A great deal of effort was required to track down all issues possible of fourteen different Ottoman newspapers, which meant visiting many libraries in different cities. Often, the articles we were looking for had been cut out of the paper in one location, but we were able to find a copy in another location.” The Zoryan Institute sponsored the collection of these newspapers, their translation and transliteration, as part of the long-term project known as “Creating a Common Body of Knowledge,” and retains copies in its archives.

According to the Institute’s President, K.M Greg Sarkissian, “The objective is to provide knowledge that will be shared by Turkish and Armenian civil societies and western scholarship. The aim is to locate, collect, analyze, transliterate, translate, edit and publish authoritative, universally recognized original archival documents on the history of the events surrounding 1915, in both Turkish and English. Elaborating on the importance not only of the primary source material in this book, but also the analysis provided by the book’s authors,” he continued, “the more such documents are made available to Turkish society, the more it will be empowered with knowledge to question narratives imposed by the state. Restoring accurate historical memory will benefit not only Turkish, but also Armenian society. Both will be emancipated from the straightjacket of the past. Such a Common Body of Knowledge will hopefully lead to an understanding of each other, act as a catalyst for dialogue, and aid in the normalization of relations between the two societies. Judgment at Istanbul is the most recent example of the Zoryan Institute’s strong belief in the importance of a Common Body of Knowledge as a key factor in helping the future of any relationship between Turkey and Armenia.”

The trials described in Judgment at Istanbul had a far-reaching bearing in the international community. As the first national tribunal to prosecute cases of mass atrocity, the principles of “crimes against humanity” which were introduced then had their echo subsequently in the Nuremberg Charter, the Tokyo Charter, and the UN Genocide Convention. This book is an essential source for historians, legal scholars, political scientists, sociologists, policy makers, and those interested in Genocide Studies, Turkish Studies, and Armenian Studies. It also holds great current relevance, with recent interest internationally regarding the Armenian Genocide and its denial.

Vahakn N. Dadrian and Taner Akçam, Judgment at Istanbul: The Armenian Genocide Trials. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2011. 363p. ISBN 978-0-85745-251-1 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-85745-286-3 (ebook). $110.00 ($75.00 to Zoryan Friends).

To order a copy for yourself, as a gift, or to help sponsor a book to be placed in university libraries, please contact the Zoryan office, 416-250-9807, zoryan@zoryaninstitute.org.

Diyarbekir hosts Genocide workshop

The Hrant Dink Foundation and Diyarbakir’s metropolitan municipality organized a workshop from November 11-13. The workshop focused on the social and economic history of the city and its surrounding areas from 1838 to 1938, tackling head-on the fate of the region’s vibrant Christian minorities. Opening remarks were made by Mayor Osman Baydemir who reminded the participants about Diyarbakir’s vibrant past during the Ottoman Empire era and how it decayed in the decades that followed because of the destruction of its Armenian and Assyrian population. He also informed the audience that the municipality is currently engaged in an effort to return properties confiscated from minorities to their rightful owners, or provide equivalent land elsewhere if the particular land is currently owned by a third party. Moreover, he added that renovating houses of worship also constitutes an effort to renovate the conscience of people and confront the past. “This city,” he went on, “belongs to Armenians and Assyrians as much as it belongs to Kurds.

”The keynote speech titled “The State, the Muslims, and the Non-Muslims, 1839-1938” was delivered by Ankara University professor Baskin Oran. The opening session also featured comments by Rakel Dink, Ali Bayramoglu, Cengiz Aktar, and others.Speakers at the workshop included genocide scholars and Ottoman historians from Europe, North America, and Turkey. David Gaunt, Raymond Kevorkian, Vahe Tashjian, Hans Lukas Kieser, Barbara Merguerian, George Aghjayan, Seda Altug, Janet Klein, Jelle Verheij, and Ayhan Aktar were among the participants. The conference was broadcast live on the website of the Hrant Dink Foundation, at www.hrantdink.org but in an yet another effort to suppress freedom of speech live-feeds from the foundation’s website were blocked in Turkey. The video of the conference will be made available online at www.hrantdink.org. Details, to follow.

Talaat Pasha’s Report on the Armenian Genocide

compiled and introduced
by Ara Sarafian

PRESS RELEASE

Gomidas Institute
42 Blythe Rd
London W14 0HA
UK

Recent documents released in Turkish archives, combined with surviving documents from Talaat’s Pasha’s private papers, confirm that Talaat was indeed the architect of the Armenian Genocide. There is a clear record that he ordered and supervised the general deportation of Ottoman Armenians in 1915-16, and that he followed the fate of such deportees from close quarters. Talaat was sent updates regarding Armenians at different stages of deportations, as well as information about the fate of others who were subjected to special treatment.

Although a great deal of Ottoman records still remain unavailable in Turkish archives, the available records show that the Ottoman deportation thesis was a smokescreen for the annihilation of Armenians. Ottoman records in Turkish archives, as well as Talaat’s 1917 report, show that less than 100,000 Armenians survived in the so-called resettlement zone for Armenians. According to Talaat’s report on the Armenian Genocide, most Armenians in the Ottoman Empire had disappeared between 1915 and 1917, or they were dispersed in different provinces of the Ottoman Empire for assimilation. The forced assimilation of hundreds of thousands of Armenians was indicative of the power, control and purpose of the Ottoman state.

Talaat Pasha’s Report on the Armenian Genocide, 1917 is the closest official Ottoman view we have of the Armenian Genocide. The report was undoubtedly prepared for Talaat Pasha and meant for his private use. It was not meant for publication and probably only survived because Talaat was assassinated in 1921 and his widow gave the report to a Turkish historian who eventually published it.* No such record has been released by Turkish archives to date, though the data presented in the 1917 report can be checked against the available Ottoman records and stands scrutiny.

According to Talaat’s figures 1,150,000 Armenians disappeared in the Ottoman Empire between 1915-1917. This number includes well over 100,000 Armenians who fled from the Ottoman Empire in 1915 (and died in large numbers from hunger, exposure and disease), but it does not include tens of thousands of Armenian women and children who were absorbed into Muslim families or placed into state orphanages for assimilation.

In this publication of Talaat’s report on the Armenian Genocide, historian Ara Sarafian discusses the 1917 report in light of other Ottoman records. He presents Talaat’s statistics in all detail and includes two invaluable color maps demonstrating the content of the report, as well as additional Ottoman documents related to the Armenian Genocide. Sarafian presents Talaat’s breakdown of the number of Armenians, their native provinces, and their whereabouts in the Ottoman Empire in 1917.

* See Murat Bardakçý, Talat Paþa’nýn Evrak-ý Metrukesi : Sadrazam Talat Paþa’nýn özel arþivinde bulunan Ermeni tehciri konusundaki belgeler ve hususi yazýþmalar [The Remaining Documents of Talaat Pasha: Documents and Important Correspondence Found in the Private Archives of Sadrazam Talaat Pasha about the Armenian Deportations], Istanbul: Everest Yayýnlarý, 2008.

ISBN 978-1-903656-61-7
70 pp., includes color map insert.
Publication year 2011 by Gomidas Institute (London)
Price: pb., UK£12.00 / US$18.00 plus shipping.

To order contact books@gomidas.org or books@garodbooks.com

Free pdf download of book.
Free pdf download of map 1 and map 2.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction by Ara Sarafian 5
Map 18

TALAAT PASHA’S 1917 REPORT
Opening Summary Page: Data and Calculations 20

WESTERN PROVINCES (MAP) 22
Constantinople 23
Edirne vilayet 24
Chatalja mutasarriflik 25
Izmit mutasarriflik 26
Hudavendigar (Bursa) vilayet 27
Karesi mutasarriflik 28
Kala-i Sultaniye (Chanakkale) mutasarriflik 29
Eskishehir vilayet 30
Aydin vilayet 31
Kutahya mutasarriflik 32
Afyon Karahisar mutasarriflik 33
Konia vilayet 34
Menteshe mutasarriflik 35
Teke (Antalya) mutasarriflik 36

CENTRAL PROVINCES (MAP) 37
Ankara (Angora) vilayet 38
Bolu mutasarriflik 39
Kastamonu vilayet 40
Janik (Samsun) mutasarriflik 41
Nigde mutasarriflik 42
Kayseri mutasarriflik 43
Adana vilayet 44
Ichil mutasarriflik 45

EASTERN PROVINCES (MAP) 46
Sivas vilayet 47
Erzerum vilayet 48
Bitlis vilayet 49
Van vilayet 50
Trebizond vilayet 51
Mamuretulaziz (Elazig) vilayet 52

SOUTH EASTERN PROVINCES AND RESETTLEMENT ZONE (MAP) 53
Marash mutasarriflik 54
Aleppo (Halep) vilayet 55
Urfa mutasarriflik 56
Diyarbekir vilayet 57
Syria vilayet 58
Zor mutasarriflik 59
Mosul vilayet 60
Beirut vilayet 61
Jerusalem (Kudus-i Sherif) vilayet 62

Appendix 1: A Report from the Turkish Military Archives 65
Appendix 2: Talaat’s “Black Booklet” 67
Map 1: Destruction of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-17 insert
Map 2: Surviving Armenian Deportees in the Ottoman Empire, 1917 insert

 

R. Kevorkian’s “The Armenian Genocide: A Complete Story”

Raymond Kevorkian is a renowned French-Armenian historian academic and curator of the AGBU Paris Nubarian library. Kevorkian is also a lecturer at the Institute Française de Géopolitique, University of Paris. His book “The Armenian Genocide: A Complete History” provides an authoritative account of the origins, events and consequences of the Armenian Genocide. Kevorkian considers the role it played in the construction of the Turkish nation state and Turkish identity, as well as exploring the ideologies of power and state violence. Crucially, he examines the consequences of the violence against the Armenians, the implications of the deportations and the attempts to bring those who committed the atrocities to justice. Kevorkian’s experience spans over 20 years after covering the history of the Armenians during 16th & 17th century, Kevorkian realized that it was time to focus on the Armenian Genocide. What makes this publication interesting is the author’s effort in maintaining a balance in his research by considering the circumstances of the victim as well as the perpetrator. In a sense looking at both sides of the coin. In his work, Kevorkian traces each route of the process of deportation and genocide, by depicting the events as if he was present during these events and as the heinous plan of Genocide was put into practice. The evidence provided by (Genocide) survivors has a significant sole and importance in this book. The author has refrained from defining most horrific events, finding them impossible to bear particularly by the reader.

Galichian’s “The Invention of History”

By Levon Chorbajian
YerevanReport.com

Rouben Galichian’s “The Invention of History: Azerbaijan, Armenia and the Showcasing of Imagination” (Gomidas Institute/Printinfo Art Books) is a very important book that addresses a core issue facing the Armenian people 95 years after the Armenian Genocide: survival in the face of further erasures and eradications.

This is an issue with many dimensions, some of them well known and others not. Galichian, whose prior works include “Historic Maps of Armenia: The Cartographic Heritage” (I.B. Tauris) and “Countries of the Caucasus in Medieval Maps: Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan” (Gomidas Institute Books), focuses here on one of the lesser known aspects, Azerbaijan and its attacks on Armenian history, identity and survival.

Azerbaijan was founded in 1918 under the leadership of the pan-Turkic Musavat Party. There had been no previous Azerbaijani state in history, and the name was taken from the territory south of the Arax River, in northern Persia (present-day Iran), where much larger numbers of Azeri speakers lived and continue to live today. Galichian notes that Persian officials considered the use of the name usurpation and protested its use at the time.

In the territorial jockeying that went on in the early Soviet Union, Azerbaijan was given control of Nagorno-Karabagh (Artsakh) with its 95 percent Armenian majority, and Nakhichevan, that was 40 percent Armenian, in 1920. These were bitter defeats for Armenia, but ironically, they also further exacerbated Azerbaijan’s own identity problem. The people called Azeri today are an amalgam of Arab, Turkic, and Persian peoples who had historically been known as Caucasian Tatars. The territory that became Azerbaijan not only contained hundreds of thousands of Armenians but also large numbers of non-Azeri Muslims and some non-Armenian Christians. Azeri leaders were faced with the problem of how to forge a national identity where none had existed before.

The answer was to fabricate a history. The officially sponsored Buniatov or Baku School of Historiography (Ziya Buniatov was an Azeri revisionist historian) developed to re-write history in the service of national ambition. In his early chapters, Galichian examines two books that exemplify the fruits of these labors, War against Azerbaijan: Targeting Cultural Heritage and Monuments of Western Azerbaijan. Just as Turkey claims its roots in the Hittites and other people with whom it has no historical connection, Azerbaijan claims to be the heir to the Caucasian Albanians, a Christian people who ruled much of what is now Azerbaijan and had became extinct in the 12th century. This subterfuge eradicates a millennia-long Armenian presence and allows Azeris to be presented as indigenous and the Armenians as latter day interlopers. This is the history that has been taught to Azeri schoolchildren for decades, and its irredentist implications are clearly revealed when we understand that “Western Azerbaijan” refers to Armenia itself.

Galichian painstakingly examines the fate of Armenian monuments in territories that came under Azeri control. No Armenians live in Nakhichevan today. Nor do we find the more than 200 Armenian churches, monasteries, chapels and cemeteries that were found there in the early 19th century. In one startling section of his book Galichian documents the fate of a cemetery that once contained 10,000 khachkars (carved Armenian burial stones). This cemetery in Nakhichevan was on the northern bank of the Arax River and clearly visible from Iran. The last 2,000 of these khachkars were toppled and broken up a decade ago by the Azeri army. The remnants were taken away on trains or dumped into the river. Galichian provides photographs of this destruction taken by Scottish architect Steven Sim. Today the site is a military shooting range.

Galichian has collected and provided before and after photographs of other Armenian sites as well. These include the before and after examples of abraded Armenian text on buildings which, while not destroying the buildings themselves, obscures their Armenian origins.

This is an important book for three reasons. First, Galichian’s text and photographs document the continuation of genocide in the form of the final eradication of the Armenian people’s history. The story Galichian tells is not a new one and has close parallels in Azerbaijan’s sister republic Turkey where Armenian monuments have been razed, used as targets in artillery practices, taken apart for building materials, and used as stables. And where the monuments have tourist value, they have been attributed to others. This is a game played by both Turkey and Azerbaijan.

Second, Galichian’s book is timely given the terms of the stalled (but revivable) Turkish-Armenian Protocols that would radically re-define Turkish-Armenian-Azeri relations without strong protections for Armenia’s national security interests. The fate of Armenians in Nakhichevan including the final eradication and erasure of their historical presence was captured in the term “Nakhichevan-ization” that became a symbol of cultural genocide and inspired an Armenian vow that the process would not be repeated in Artsakh. Galichian’s book stands as a warning. He makes it very clear what is at stake if Armenia succumbs to Western pressure, and to Turkish and Azeri promises of brotherhood, good-will, and solidarity.

Thanks to the liberation of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh) between 1988 and 1994, the fate of Armenian monuments is now under Armenian control. The last of Galichian’s contributions is that his photographs document both the ravages of Azeri vandalism and neglect of Armenian monuments such as Dadivank and the Gandzasar Monastic complexes and their subsequent restoration by Armenian artisans after 1994.

Overall, Galichian has made a truly significant contribution to our understanding of continuing attacks on the history and legacy of the Armenian people. He has compiled the history and allowed it to speak through text and photographs of the dangers of any Western brokered “peace settlement” that calls for the surrender of Armenian held territory without the full independence of an internationally guaranteed and recognized Artsakh.


About the reviewer: Levon Chorbajian, Ph.D. is the translator and co-author of “The Caucasian Knot: The History and Geopolitics of Nagorno-Karabagh” (Zed Books) and the editor of “The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: From Secession to Republic” (Palgrave Macmillan).

Rouben Galichian. “The Invention of History: Azerbaijan, Armenia, and the Showcasing of Imagination.” Gomidas Institute-London and Printinfo Art Books-Yerevan. 2009. In English. 112 pp. Includes a DVD on Armenian Julfa and more than 50 color photos and maps. $30 US, available from AbrilBooks.com, NAASR.org and Gomidas.org.